“Seven lessons from the money sector in 2023”

What have the “messages from the money sector” taught us in 2023?

The key chart

Visual summary of the CMMP Analysis framework linking all economic sectors together (Source: CMMP)

The key message

The key message from CMMP Analysis is that the true value in analysing developments in global finance lies less in considering investments in banks’ equity and more in understanding the implications of the relationship between the money sector and the wider economy for macro policy, corporate strategy, investment decisions and asset allocation.

The 2023 “messages from the money sector” included the importance of post-GFC debt dynamics, the risks of policy errors, the failure of banks to support productive economic activities, and the increasing abuse of macro statistics.

The seven key lessons were:

  1. The risk of a Chinese balance sheet recession dominated 2023 and will DOMINATE 2024 too
  2. “US bears” ignored structural shifts in US debt dynamics post-GFC and underestimated the RESILIENCE OF THE CONSUMER as a result
  3. Aggregate demand in credit-driven economies is equal to income (GDP) PLUS THE CHANGE IN DEBT. Policy makers continue to ignore this truism at OUR peril
  4. The ECB’s policy celebrations may prove PREMATURE
  5. UK policy making is still based on UNBELIEVABLE forecasts and FLAWED macro thinking
  6. Banks are failing to support PRODUCTIVE ACTIVITY and the SME sector in particular
  7. The ABUSE of macro statistics is rife – beware of “panic charts” and their accompanying narratives

Seven lessons from the money sector in 2023

The importance of post-GFC debt dynamics

Lesson #1: the risk of a Chinese balance sheet recession dominated 2023 and will dominate 2024 too

January 2023: Trends in Japanese, Spanish and Chinese private sector debt ratios (% GDP) (Source: BIS; CMMP)

CMMP Analysis began 2023 by questioning the popular, “China-opening story“. We highlighted three structural risks to this narrative – (1) the level of private sector debt, (2) the rate of growth of household debt, and (3) the affordability of private sector debt. We asked two questions.

First, what happens if rather than seeking to maximise profit/utility as traditional economics assumes, the Chinese private sector turns to minimising debt or maximising savings instead?

Second, and following on from this, what if China experiences a balance sheet recession instead?

December 2023: Trends in “excess credit growth” in China since June 2013 (Source: BIS; CMMP)

The balance sheet narrative remained on hold during 2023, but risks remain as we enter 2024. All sectors of the Chinese economy are increasing leverage still. The Chinese government is the main driver here, rather than the private sector, however. Crucially, the dynamics of Chinese money creation and potential growth are shifting. Credit agencies may (mistakenly) wish for lower levels of government debt in China, but given current debt dynamics it will be fiscal policy/government spending that will have to do the heavy lifting in 2024 if China’s growth is to recover.

Lesson #2: “US bears” ignored structural shifts in US debt dynamics post-GFC and underestimated the resilience of the consumer as a result

January 2023: Trends in the stock of US consumer credit ($tr) and the consumer credit to DPI ratio (%) (Source: FRED; CMMP)

CMMP Analysis also began 2023 by questioning the equally popular, “US consumer slowdown narrative”. We argued that “US bears” were ignoring the key structural shifts in US debt dynamics that saw the US leading the advanced world in the structural shift away from high-risk HH debt towards relatively low risk public debt in the post-GFC period. In September 2023, we noted greater affordability risks in other developed economies such as Canada, Switzerland, Sweden, France and Finland and in emerging markets such as Brazil, China and Korea instead.

December 2023: Trends in monthly flows of US consumer credit (Source: FRED; CMMP)

That said, we also noted signs that the US consumer was starting to crack as the year progressed. Quarterly consumer credit flows in the 3Q23 ($4bn) were the weakest since 2Q20, and only a very small fraction of the pre-pandemic average quarterly flow of $45bn. Monthly flow data for October 2023, also suggested that momentum weakened further at the start of 4Q23.

Note the key differences between China and the US here – China’s challenges are more structural in nature, while the US’s challenges are more cyclical.

The risks of policy errors

Lesson #3: Aggregate demand in credit-driven economies is equal to income (GDP) PLUS THE CHANGE IN DEBT. Policy makers continue to ignore this truism at OUR peril.

In September 2023, CMMP Analysis argued that central bank decision making that appears largely “data independent” in relation to private sector credit dynamics is unlikely to produce positive economic outcomes. Instead, it increases the likelihood of policy errors, especially in credit-driven economies.

September 2023: Trends in the UK PS debt ratio (RHS) and PSC relative growth factor (LHS) (Source: BIS; CMMP)

The fundamental error is to ignore that aggregate demand in a credit-driven economy is equal to income (GDP) PLUS THE CHANGE IN DEBT. The addition of the change in debt means that, in reality, aggregate demand is far more volatile than it would be if income alone was its source (as typically assumed). This is especially true for highly indebted economies.

If Schumpeter could understand this in 1934, why can’t policy makers understand it in 2024?

Lesson #4: The ECB’s celebrations may prove to be premature

ECB officials spent much of 2023 arguing that the transmission of monetary policy was working. The tone became almost celebratory by the end of the year, with Board members arguing that not only was the transmission working but also that it was delivering results that were EXACTLY what the ECB wanted to see.

December 2023: Trends in PS financing flows (EUR bn, 12m cum flows) and nominal NFC and HH borrowing costs (%, RHS) (Source: ECB; CMMP)

The risks that these celebrations may prove to be premature are obvious, however, or at least they should be. While monetary policy transmission in the euro area is working as textbooks suggest, both the pace and scale of current tightening is unprecedented. The ECB lacks a playbook for such a scenario and EA economies now find themselves in uncharted territory. Policy tightening continued even as the EA money sector was indicating increases stresses for banks, households and corporates. The end result – a combination of NEGATIVE financing flows to the private sector, historically high policy rates and elevated costs of borrowing – is unlikely to be sustainable in 2024.

Lesson #5: UK policy making is based on unbelievable forecasts and flawed macro thinking

November 2023: Historic and forecast trends in sectoral balances for the UK private and public sectors and the RoW expressed as % GDP (Source: OBR; CMMP)

Official OBR forecasts for the UK economy remain unbelievable when viewed through CMMP Analysis’ preferred sector balances perspective. The March 2023 version suggested a return to the pre-pandemic world of economic imbalances and an economy forecast to remain heavily dependent on net borrowing from abroad – the irony of post-Brexit Britain. The November 2023 version presented a more balanced outlook and a more realistic forecast for private sector dynamics but was simply too dull to be true.

December 2023: Trends in UK PS debt ratio (% GDP, RHS) and relative growth versus nominal GDP (3Y CAGR %, LHS) (Source: BIS; CMMP)

The UK private sector debt ratio fell back to its March 2022 level at the end of 2Q23. This matters because neither Jeremy Hunt (the current UK Chancellor) nor Rachel Reeves (his likely successor) appear to recognise the folly of combining austerity with private sector deleveraging (“pre-COVID Britain”). The next general election will be fought on the wrong macro battleground as a result. Both parties will repeat the flawed narrative that governments (that enjoy monetary sovereignty) face the same financial constraints as households and that public debt is a problem while largely ignoring private debt. A depressing thought for the year ahead.

The failure of banks

Lesson #6: Banks are failing to support productive activity and the SME sector in particular

February 2023: Trends and breakdown of UK FIRE-based (red and pink) and COCO-bases (blue) lending (£bn) (Source: BoE; CMMP)

A more appropriate macro policy debate in the run-up to the next election would focus on the role of banks. UK banking, for example, is heavily geared towards less-productive FIRE-based lending that supports capital gains rather than productive COCO-based lending that supports investment, production and income formation.

October 2023: Trend in the outstanding stock of SME loans since 2013 (£bn) (Source: BoE; CMMP)

UK banking also fails SMEs, the lifeblood of the UK economy. Only 22 pence in every pound lent in the UK is for productive purposes and only c.7pence is lent to SMEs. This is despite the fact that SMEs account for 50% of private sector turnover and 60% of employment. SMEs cannot invest fully in growth, job creation, innovation and equality if and when: (1) their access to external capital is constrained by LT structural factors; (2) flows of financing (both loans and overdrafts) are negative; and (3) their cost of borrowing is rising so rapidly.

The abuse of macro statistics

Lesson #7: The abuse of macro statistics is rife – beware of “panic charts” and their accompanying narratives.

CMMP Analysis suggests that US public sector debt and trends in narrow money (M1) are the most widely abused macro statistics of the year.

May 2023: 50 years of US public sector debt dynamics – plotted differently! (Source: FRED; CMMP)

The abuse of US public sector debt data involves five elements. First, ignoring the fact that public debt is both a liability for the government sector and an asset of the non-government sector. Second, making no comparison with GDP. Third, ignoring inflation. Fourth, presenting long time series data using linear scales. Fifth and finally, ignoring private sector debt dynamics completely (see also lesson #2 above).

November 2023: Growth trends (% YoY) in narrow money (M1) and other short term deposits (M2-M1) (Source: ECB; CMMP)

The abuse of monetary aggregate statistics is more understandable given that growth in narrow money is falling rapidly, and that real growth rates in M1 typically display leading indicator properties with real GDP. This means that M1 dynamics make great headlines for sure, but they only tell one part of the macro and banking stories. The rising opportunity cost of holding money, on-going portfolio rebalancing and the mechanics of money creation are important too. Policy normalisation leads to natural re-adjustments in the structure of MFI consolidated balance sheets. This can and does create dramatic movements in individual items and monetary variables such as M1 and increases the risk of misinterpretation.

In short, monetary aggregates still matter. To return to the key message from CMMP Analysis, they tell us a great deal about the interaction of the banking sector and the wider economy, but they need interpreting with due care and attention…

Thank you for reading and very best wishes for a very happy and healthy new year.

Please note that the summary comments and charts above are abstracts from more detailed analysis that is available separately.

“Whisper it softly – Part IV”

The “emerging market” classification has been redundant for some time now

The key chart

Trends in market share (%) of global debt since June 2009 (Source: BIS; CMMP)

The key message

Whisper it softly; the “emerging market” (EM) classification has been redundant for some time now.

CMMP analysis has questioned the relevance and usefulness of the “emerging market” classification for some time. The latest BIS data release, merely supports this view, at least from a debt perspective.

EM’s share of global debt has increased from 18% in June 2009 (at the time of the GFC) to 40% in June 2023 – a remarkable structural shift (see key chart above).

Over this period the EM debt ratio has risen from 97% GDP to 156% GDP, and is now only 6ppt below the debt ratio of so-called “advanced” of “developed markets” (DM).

For reference, the DM debt ratio has fallen from 174% GDP at the beginning of this period and from its all-time high of 183% GDP in 4Q20.

These dynamics have supported a popular investment narrative called, “The EM-debt story”.

In my previous post, however, I noted that all sectors of the Chinese economy are increasing their levels of indebtedness and that all their debt ratios hit new highs in 2Q23 (see “Whisper it softly – Part III“).

The key point here is that if we strip out China, EM’s shares of global debt has only increased slightly since the GFC, from 10% to 13%.

What this means is that rather than witnessing an EM-debt story, we have, in fact, been witnessing “The China-debt story” since the GFC.

So what?

While the EM classification remains convenient, it is increasingly less relevant and/or helpful in terms of understanding the impact of global debt dynamics on macro policy, investment decisions and financial stability.

Please note that the summary comments and chart above are abstracts from more detailed analysis that is available separately.

“Whisper it softly – Part III”

All sectors of the Chinese economy are increasing leverage still, but…

The key chart

Trends in “excess credit growth” in China since June 2013 (Source: BIS; CMMP)

The key message

Whisper it softly (III), but all sectors of the Chinese economy are increasing their levels of indebtedness still.

The Chinese government is the main driver here, rather than the private sector, however. The rate of private sector “excess credit” generation has slowed markedly (see key chart above). With a (private sector) balance sheet recession still a risk (if not a reality yet), these trends can be expected to continue.

According to the latest BIS date release, China’s total, government, household (HH), corporate (NFC) and private sector (PS) debt ratios all hit new highs in 2Q23 (308%, 79%, 62%, 166% and 228% GDP respectively). China now accounts for 23% of total global debt, 26% of global PS debt and 32% of global NFC debt. In June 2009, these shares were only 7%, 8% and 12% respectively.

A key dynamic to note here, however, is the rate of growth in debt or “excess credit” generation. At times, this can be as important, if not more important than the level of debt/indebtedness. The key chart above illustrates the 3Y CAGR in government, HH and NFC debt in relation to the 3Y CAGR in nominal GDP.

Three distinct phases are visible – the first (1) includes the period of excess HH, NFC and government credit growth; the second (2) includes the period of excess HH and government debt, and the third (3 and current phase) includes excess government credit growth but much slower rates of HH and NFC excess credit growth.

At the start of 2023, I posed the question, “what if China’s private sector turns to debt minimisation/savings maximisation instead?” Or, “what if China experiences as balance sheet recession?”

As noted later in September 2023, the “balance sheet recession” story is still on hold, at least for the time being. Although it did become part of the 1H23 investment narrative briefly. Nonetheless, the dynamics of money creation and potential growth are shifting clearly. Credit rating agencies may (mistakenly) wish to see lower levels of government debt in China, but if current dynamics continue it will be fiscal policy/government spending that will have to do the “heavy lifting” if China’s growth is to recover.

Please note that the summary comments and chart above are abstracts from more detailed analysis that is available separately.

“Putting the China balance sheet recession story on hold?”

At least for the time being…

The key chart

HH debt ratios (% GDP, y-axis) plotted against NFC debt ratios (% GDP, x-axis) for selected BIS reporting economies with high private sector debt levels (Source: BIS; CMMP)

The key message

The latest BIS data release (18 September 2023) provides another example of how China stands out among relatively indebted, global economies. In contrast to developments elsewhere, the debt ratios of both the corporate (NFC) sector and, to a much lesser extent, the household (HH) sector rose between 1Q22 and 1Q23 – putting the idea of a balance sheet recession on hold, at least for the time being.

In 1Q23, China’s private sector debt ratio hit a new high of 227% GDP. This is the same level reached at the peak of Spain’s debt bubble in 2Q10 and 13ppt higher than Japan’s peak back in 4Q94. As noted before, the level of bank credit to GDP is much higher in China than in other “bubble phases”, leaving the country’s banks relatively exposed to the risks of private sector indebtedness.

Affordability risks also hit a new high, with China’s private sector debt service ratio reaching 21.3%, 5.5ppt above its long-term average. China’s private sector is unique among BIS reporting economies in terms of recording a new debt service ratio high in 1Q23, although the same is also true for the HH debt service ratios in Canada, Korea and Sweden.

With growth slowing, China appears to be reverting to higher levels of corporate credit as a solution, at least in the short term. The risks associated with this familiar strategy remain high. If successful, however, it would represent a unique chapter in the history of global debt dynamics.

Putting the China balance sheet recession story on hold?

The chart below illustrates HH debt ratios plotted against NFC debt ratios for the BIS reporting nations with the highest levels of private sector indebtedness for 1Q22 and 1Q23 (excluding Hong Kong and Luxembourg).

HH debt ratios (% GDP, y-axis) plotted against NFC debt ratios (% GDP, x-axis) for selected BIS reporting economies with high private sector debt levels (Source: BIS; CMMP)

As can be seen, China and, to a much lesser extent Japan, stands out due to the fact that both debt ratios rose over the period.

In China’s case, the NFC debt ratio rose from 156% GDP to 165% GDP over the period while the HH debt ratio rose very slightly from 61% GDP to 62% GDP. In Japan, the NFC debt ratio rose from 67.9% GDP to 68.1% GDP while the HH debt ratio rose from 116.5% GDP to 117.1% GDP – marginal changes.

NFC debt ratios also rose in Korea and Denmark but the more common trend was for both ratios to fall over the period – see Switzerland, Sweden, France, Canada, the Netherlands, Norway and Belgium (in chart above).

These trends put the China balance sheet recession story on hold, at least for the time being. But, note…

Trends in Japanese, Spanish and Chinese private sector debt ratios (Source: BIS; CMMP)

The chart above (one of my favourites since 2017) illustrates trends in private sector debt ratios for Japan, Spain and China since 1981. In 1Q23, China’s private sector debt ratio hit a new high of 227% GDP. This is the same level reached at the peak of Spain’s debt bubble in 2Q10 and 13ppt higher than Japan’s peak back in 4Q94.

Trends in Japanese, Spanish and Chinese bank credit to debt ratios (Source: BIS; CMMP)

As noted before, the level of bank credit to GDP is much higher in China than in other “bubble phases”, leaving the country’s banks relatively exposed (see chart above). At the end of 1Q23, China’s bank credit to GDP ratio hit a new high of 192% GDP, well in excess of the peaks recorded in Spain (168% GDP, 2Q10) and Japan (117% GDP, 1Q90).

Trend in China’s private sector debt service ratio since 1999 (Source: BIS, CMMP)

Affordability risks also hit a new high, with a debt service ratio of 21.3%, 5.5ppt above its long-term average of 15.8% (see chart above). Note that China’s private sector is unique among BIS reporting nations in terms of the DSR being at a peak level, although the debt service ratios of the HH sectors in Canada, Korea and Sweden are also at new highs too.

Conclusion

With growth slowing, China appears to be reverting to higher levels of corporate credit as a solution, at least in the short term. The risks associated with this familiar strategy remain high. If successful, however, it would represent a unique chapter in the history of global debt dynamics.

Please note that the summary comments and charts above are abstracts from more detailed analysis that is available separately.

“Why is Richard Koo’s profile rising in China?”

Because the Chinese government knows there is a disease called “balance sheet recession”.

The key chart

Trends in “excess credit growth” in China since December 2012 (Source: BIS; CMMP)

The key message

“The Chinese government knows that there is a disease called balance sheet recession, and they should know how to handle it”

Richard Koo, quoted by Bloomberg on 10 July 2023

Richard Koo is the Chief Economist at the Nomura Research Institute who developed the concept of “balance sheet recessions”. These recessions occur when “a nationwide asset bubble financed by debt bursts” (Koo, 2008). According to a Bloomberg article this week, “Koo’s ideas are being taken seriously in China”.

In this post, I explain why this is the case. I revisit my January 2023 arguments and update the data points and charts from “The missing link in the China re-opening story?”. I begin with the same question that I posed at the start of the year:

What happens if rather than seeking to maximise profit/utility as traditional economics assumes, the Chinese private sector (PS) turns to minimising debt or maximising savings instead? What if China experiences a balance sheet recession?

What does the data tell us?

While China’s PS indebtedness has declined from its 3Q20 peak, it remains above Japan’s “peak-bubble” level. Affordability risks remain elevated in China too. The PS debt ratio is not only high in absolute terms, but it is also elevated in relation to its long-term average. Chinese debt dynamics have shifted from excess growth in corporate credit growth, through excess growth in household debt, to a “passive deleveraging” phase. The risk remains that this extends to full PS debt minimisation i.e., a balance sheet recession.

Following recent re-intermediation, the Chinese banking sector is relatively exposed to the risks associated with these dynamics. The bank sector debt ratio exceeds the level reached at the height of the Spanish private sector debt bubble, for example, and is currently the highest ratio among BIS reporting economies.

What are the implications?

China’s debt dynamics point to potential demand (debt minimisation) and supply side (bank sector debt) constraints to future consumption.

From a policy perspective, Koo argues that the Chinese government must ramp up spending to offset private sector deleveraging. According to Bloomberg, he recommends a fresh wave of fiscal stimulus, targeted towards the real estate sector.

From an investment perspective, these factors need to be included in the investment narrative. It was a mistake to ignore private sector debt dynamics at the start of the year. It is a mistake to ignore them now…

Why is Richard Koo’s profile rising in China?

Personal background

I met Richard Koo in Tokyo when I was a graduate trainee at Nomura Securities in 1986. I left Nomura in 1988 to build the top-rated Japanese equities team (for European clients) at Baring Securities. I subsequently moved on from Japanese equities in the early 1990s to develop a career in banks research and macro strategy. I continued to follow Koo’s work, read his books and applied his approaches to my own analysis of monetary and macro developments in other advanced and emerging economies. We share a common analytical foundation based on a sector-balances framework.

My January 2023 message

In January 2023, I questioned the so-called “China re-opening” narrative. My scepticism centred on the level of Chinese private sector debt, the growth in HH debt and the affordability of private sector debt.

I asked, “What happens, for example, if rather than seeking to maximise profit/utility as traditional economics assumes, the Chinese private sector turns to minimising debt or maximising savings instead? What if China experiences a balance sheet recession?”

The July 2023 update

Trends in Japanese, Spanish and Chinese PS debt ratios since 1980 (Source: BIS; CMMP)

China’s private sector indebtedness exceeds the “peak-bubble” level seen in Japan in 4Q94. The private sector debt ratio was 220% GDP at the end of 4Q22, below its recent 225% peak but still above Japan’s peak debt ratio of 214% GDP. Note the similarity in debt ratio trends in Japan (debt bubble), Spain (debt bubble) and in China (see chart above). History rhymes…

Trend in the Chinese PS debt service ratio since 2000 (Source: BIS; CMMP)

Private sector affordability risks remain elevated too. The private sector debt service ratio (PS DSR) is not only elevated in absolute terms (20.6%) but it is also elevated in relation to its long-term average (15.7%). The PS DSR peaked in 3Q20 (see chart above) and has trended between 20-21% since then.

Trends in stock of HH and NFC debt (RMB tr) and PS debt ratio (% GDP, RHS) (Source: BIS; CMMP)

The Chinese private sector has already entered a period of passive deleveraging (see chart above). In other words, while to outstanding stock of debt continues to increase, it has been growing at a slower pace than nominal GDP since 3Q20.

Chinese debt dynamics have shifted from excess growth in corporate debt to excess credit growth in household debt and then to passive deleveraging. The risks remain that these trends extend to an extended period of private sector debt minimisation – i.e., a balance sheet recession.

Bank credit as a percentage of total PS credit (%) since 2007 (Source: BIS; CMMP)

With recent re-intermediation (see chart above), the Chinese banking sector is relatively exposed to the risks associated with current debt dynamics. The bank sector debt ratio (see chart below) exceeds the level reached at the height of the Spanish private sector debt bubble, for example, and is currently the highest ratio among BIS reporting economies (excluding Hong Kong).

Trends in Japanese, Spanish and Chinese bank sector debt ratios (% GDP) (Source: BIS; CMMP)

Conclusion

China’s debt dynamics point to potential demand (debt minimisation) and supply side (bank sector debt) constraints to future consumption.

From a policy perspective, Koo argues that the Chinese government must ramp up spending to offset private sector deleveraging. According to Bloomberg, he recommends a fresh wave of fiscal stimulus, targeted towards the real estate sector.

From an investment perspective, these factors need to be included in the investment narrative. It was a mistake to ignore private sector debt dynamics at the start of the year. It is a mistake to ignore them now…

Please note that the summary comments and charts above are extracts from more detailed analysis that is available separately.

“The missing link in the China re-opening story?”

What if China’s private sector turns to debt minimisation/savings maximisation instead?

The key chart

Trends in Japanese, Spanish and Chinese private sector debt ratios (% GDP)
(Source: BIS; CMMP)

The key message

The “China re-opening” story that suggests that the easing of COVID restrictions will unleash pent-up demand for commodities, consumer goods and travel has received a great deal of attention at the start of 2023.

A key element of this narrative is the $836bn of excess savings that Chinese consumers are reported to have built up during the pandemic. Will these savings be unleashed in a consumption and travel boom? Quite possibly, but what are the wider risks to this positive narrative?

The biggest, unspoken (so far) risks are the level of private sector debt, the growth of household debt and the affordability of private sector debt. What happens, for example, if rather than seeking to maximise profit/utility as traditional economics assumes, the Chinese private sector turns to minimizing debt or maximising savings instead? What if China experiences a balance sheet recession?

Recall that China is one of five economies where (1) private sector indebtedness (220% GDP) exceeds the “peak-bubble” level seen in Japan (214% GDP, 4Q94) and (2) the debt service ratio is not only high in absolute terms, but is also elevated in relation to its 10-year average. China’s debt dynamic has shifted from excess growth in corporate debt (well-known) to excess credit growth in household debt (less well-known). With recent re-intermediation, the banking sector is also relatively exposed to the risks associated with current debt dynamics. Bank sector debt ratios exceed the levels reached at the height of the Spanish private sector debt bubble, for example.

In short, China’s debt dynamics point to potential demand (debt minimisation) and supply side (bank sector debt) constraints to future consumption. At the very least, these factors need to be included in the investment narrative.

Do not forget the lessons from both Japan and Spain’s balance sheet recessions…

Please note that the summary comments and chart above are abstracts from more detailed analysis that is available separately.

“Seven lessons from the money sector in 2022”

What have the “messages from the money sector” taught us?

The key chart

Visual summary of the CMMP framework linking all economic sectors together
(Source: CMMP)

The key message

The true value in analysing developments in global finance lies less in considering investments in banks’ equity and more in understanding the implications of the relationship between the money sector and the wider economy for macro policy, corporate strategy, investment decisions and asset allocation (see key chart above).

The 2022 “messages from the money sector” have taught us a great deal about macro policy (and its flaws), risks to financial stability and the transition from pandemic-economics to economic slowdown/recession in advanced economies.

Macro policy

Over the past twelve months, the money sector has reminded us that flawed macro thinking continues to drive macro policy in many advanced economies (lesson #1). The first flaw is to argue that governments (who enjoy monetary sovereignty) and households face the same spending and budgetary constraints. They do not. The second flaw is to largely ignore private sector debt. In a world that sees public debt as a problem but largely ignores private sector debt, it is common to overlook elevated private sector risks in Sweden, France, Korea, China and Canada (lesson #2). This is a mistake.

Financial stability risks

Among the sample of economies listed above, the banking sectors in China and Korea have the highest exposures to elevated private sector debt risks. Banks and investors share risks more equally in Sweden, France and Canada (lesson #3).

Rising levels of financial inequality are creating very real social, economic and political problems in many developed economies. Lower-income households have less flexibility to adjust their spending in response to rising prices and are less likely to have a cushion of savings to protect them. Does this justify sensational headlines about rising levels of consumer credit? Without playing down the genuine hardship that many are facing now, the answer is no (lesson #4).

Lower-income households hold relatively small shares of mortgage debt and consumer credit. Furthermore, a recovery in demand for consumer credit at the aggregate levels was a positive sign reflecting a normalisation of economic activity during 2022. This does not mean that complacency about rising NPLs is justified, however.

From pandemic-economics to economic slowdown/recession

Monetary cycles in the UK and EA have remained highly synchronised (despite Brexit) and pointed to a clear break from pandemic economics during 2022 (lesson #5).

Consumer credit is losing momentum, however, and sharply slowing real growth rates in money and credit point to slowdown/recession in 2023 (lesson #6).

The UK has already returned to the unsustainable world of pre-pandemic imbalances (lesson #7). The fact that this is an integral part of official forecasts returns us neatly to lesson #1 – flawed macro thinking drives current macro policy.

Thank you for reading and very best wishes for a very happy and healthy New Year

Seven lessons from the money sector in 2022

Lesson #1: flawed macro thinking drives macro policy

Trends in French debt ($bn) broken down by sector
(Source: BIS; CMMP)

Over the past twelve months, the money sector has reminded us that flawed macro thinking continues to drive macro policy in many advanced economies.

The first flaw argues that currency issuers (e.g. governments who enjoy monetary sovereignty) and currency users (e.g. households) face the same spending and budgetary. The second flaw sees public sector debt as a problem but largely ignores private sector debt.

Jeremy Hunt, the latest Chancellor of the Exchequer in the UK, argued recently that, “Families up and down the country have to balance their accounts at home and we must do the same as a government.” He was following in the well-trodden footsteps of Thatcher, Cameron, Osbourne and Sunak before him. In the past, this rhetoric and mistaken belief set was used to justify austerity policies (which had well-documented, negative impacts on UK growth). Such arguments reflect a flawed understanding of how modern monetary systems work. They also ignore the fact that the correct fiscal response is the one that balances the economy not the budget.

Back in February 2022, France’s state auditor sounded the alarm about the impact of pandemic spending on France’s widening budget deficit and rising debt levels (see chart above). The auditor was factually correct to highlight the impact of pandemic spending on the government’s net borrowing but the analysis fell short in three important respects. First, the net borrowing of the French government was a necessary, timely and appropriate response to the scale of the private sector’s net lending/disinvestment. Second, while the outstanding stock of French government debt may be the fourth highest in the world, France ranks much lower in terms of government indebtedness. Third, from a risk and financial stability perspective, CMMP analysis is more concerned about France’s private sector debt dynamics, particularly in the corporate sector (see Lesson #2).

Lesson #2: its a mistake to ignore private debt

Trends in selected economies’ private sector debt ratios (% GDP)
(Source: BIS; CMMP)

In a world that sees public debt as a problem but largely ignores private sector debt, it is common to overlook elevated private sector risks in Sweden, France, Korea, China and Canada. This is a mistake.

Why focus on Sweden, France, Korea, China and Canada?

First, their levels of private sector indebtedness exceed the “peak-bubble” level seen in Japan (214% GDP, 4Q94) and, in the cases of Sweden and France, the peak-bubble level seen in Spain (227% GDP, 2Q10) too. Potential warning sign #1.

Second, in contrast to other economies that exhibit high levels of private sector indebtedness (eg, the Netherlands, Denmark, and Norway) affordability risks are also elevated in these five highlighted economies. Their debt service ratios are not only high in absolute terms (>20% income), they are also elevated in relation to their respective 10-year, average affordability levels. Potential warning sign #2.

Note, finally, that among these five economies, Sweden, Korea and Canada have over-indebted NFC and HH sectors, while the risks in France and China relate more, but not exclusively, to their NFC sectors. When it comes to private sector debt dynamics, the world is far from a homogenous place.

Lesson #3: exposure of Chinese and Korean banks

Trends in selected bank credit ratios (% GDP)
(Source: BIS; CMMP)

Among the sample of economies listed above, the banking sectors in China and Korea have the highest exposures to elevated private sector debt risks. Banks and investors share risks more equally in Sweden, France and Canada.

In China, bank credit accounts for 84% of total private sector credit and the bank credit ratio of 184% GDP exceeds the peak-Spanish bank credit ratio of 168% GDP. Similarly, in Korea bank credit accounts for 73% of total private sector credit. The bank credit ratio of 161% GDP is slightly below the peak-Spain level but well above the peak-Japan level of 112%

In contrast, risks in Sweden, France and Canada are shared more equally between banks and investors (see chart above). Bank sector credit accounts for 51%, 50% and 49% of total private sector credit in Sweden, Canada and France respectively (reflecting the greater development of alternative sources of credit in advanced economies).This does not mean that banks are not exposed, however. The bank credit ratio in Sweden is 138% GDP, above the peak-Japan level. In France and Canada these ratios are the same or slightly below the peak-Japan level (112% GDP and 109% GDP respectively).

Lesson #4: the risks of rising financial inequality

Share of outstanding mortgages and consumer credit by UK income decile
(Source: BoE; CMMP)

Rising levels of financial inequality are creating very real social, economic and political problems in many developed economies. Lower-income households have less flexibility to adjust their spending in response to rising prices and are less likely to have a cushion of savings to protect them. Does this justify sensational headlines about rising levels of consumer credit? Without playing down the genuine hardship that many are facing now, the answer is no.

Lower-income households hold relatively small shares of mortgage and consumer credit in the UK and EA, for example. In the UK, the bottom-three income deciles account for 5% and 8% of the outstanding stock of mortgages and consumer credit respectively. Similarly in the euro area, the bottom-two income quintiles account for 13% of total household debt, albeit with significant variations at the country level. Furthermore, at the aggregate level, a recovery in demand for consumer credit is a positive sign reflecting a normalisation of economic activity rather than a sign of systemic stress/economic weakness.

This does not mean that complacency about rising NPLs is justified. According to the latest OBR forecasts, for example, the household debt servicing cost in the UK is set to rise from £60bn at the end of 4Q22 (3.8% of disposable income) to £107bn at the end of 4Q23 (6.6% of disposable income) and £125bn at the end of 4Q24 (7.5% of disposable income). Beyond that, the debt service ratio is assumed to stabilise at around 7.5% of disposable income. High but (perhaps conveniently?) below the 9.7% level seen at the time of the GFC.

Lesson #5: the break for pandemic-era economics

Trends in UK and EA broad money growth (% YoY)
(Source: BoE; ECB; CMMP)

Monetary cycles in the UK and EA have remained highly synchronised (despite Brexit) and pointed to a clear break from pandemic economics during 2022.

Pandemic-era economics was characterised by a spikes in broad money driven by the hoarding of cash by HHs and NFCs, subdued credit demand and a record desynchronization of money and credit cycles.

Broad money growth has slowed from a peak of 15.4% to 5.6% in the UK and from a peak of 12.5% to 5.1% in the EA. HHs and NFCs have stopped hoarding cash, monthly consumer credit flows have recovered and money and credit cycles have re-synched with each other. Mortgage demand, the key driver of so-called FIRE-based lending is also slowing, notably in the EA.

Lesson #6: lower consumer momentum and slower growth

Monthly consumer credit flows as a multiple of pre-pandemic average flows
(Source: FED; BoE; ECB; CMMP)

Consumer credit is losing momentum, however, and sharply slowing real growth rates in money and credit point to slowdown/recession in 2023.

Recall that in the face of falling real disposable incomes, HHs can either consume less, save less and/or borrow more – or a combination of these behaviours.

In relation to pre-COVID trends, US consumers repaid less consumer credit during the pandemic and have borrowed much more in the post-pandemic period than their UK and EA peers. Monthly flows of US consumer credit peaked at $45bn in March 2022 at 3x their pre-pandemic levels. According to the latest data release, they fell to $27bn in October 2022 but remain almost double pre-pandemic levels.

The messages from the respective money sectors is that downside risks to consumption remain more elevated in the EA and the UK where monthly consumer credit flows have already fallen back below pre-pandemic levels.

Real growth rates in M1, HH credit and NFC credit typically display leading, coincident and lagging relationships with real GDP. Each indicator is falling at an increasing rate in the UK and the EA. If historic relationships between these variables continue, this suggests a sharp deceleration in economic activity over the next quarters.

Lesson #7: the UK returns to the unsustainable pre-COVID world

Trends and forecasts for UK sector financial balances (% GDP)
(Source: OBR; CMMP)

The UK returned to the unsustainable world of pre-COVID economics with twin domestic sector deficits counterbalanced by significant current account deficits in 2022. The OBR expects these dynamics to continue throughout its forecast period to March 2028.

The good news for Jeremy Hunt, the Chancellor of the UK, is that the net financial deficit of the UK public sector is forecast to fall sharply and to trend to c2-3% of GDP throughout their forecast period. The bad news for UK households is that their net financial position is forecast to fall from its recent (and typical) surplus to sustained deficits of between 0.1% and 0.4% GDP. In short, the UK is set to become a nation of non-savers with households also spending more of their income on servicing their debt.

To return to the first lesson of 2022, the lack of appropriate health warnings and the implied structural shift in risk away from the public sector to the private sector here reflects either flaws in macro thinking and policy making and/or the heavy hand of reverse engineering. Neither are good news.

Please note that the summary comments and charts above and below are abstracts from more detailed analysis that is available separately.

“Update required – Part IVb”

Seven reasons why China dominates global debt dynamics (in charts)

The key chart

Trends in private sector credit (US$ tr)
(Source: BIS; CMMP)

The key message

In this final “Update required” post, I consider China’s private sector dynamics (post-2Q16) and the exposure of the banking sector to these dynamics (see, “Update required – Part III”). I highlight seven reasons why China dominates global debt dynamics today and illustrate them graphically.

  • China has the largest outstanding stock of private sector debt globally ($39tr)
  • China’s market share of private sector debt has increased to 27% from 20% in 2Q16 (and only 6% in 2Q08)
  • In the process, China has eclipsed the “EM-debt” story – the share of EM ex-China has remained unchanged over the period
  • China’s debt dynamic has shifted from excess growth in corporate debt (well-known) to excess growth in household debt (less well-known)
  • The fact that the rate of growth matters, not just its level, is the first important lesson here
  • The second is that affordability matters – China’s private sector debt service ratio is elevated in absolute terms and against historical trends
  • With recent re-intermediation, the banking sector is relatively exposed to the risks associated with current debt dynamics. Bank sector debt ratios exceed the levels reached at the height of the Spanish private sector debt bubble, for example

Why China dominates global debt dynamics in charts

Chart 1: Size

Top-ten BIS reporting economies ranked by stock of private sector credit (US$ tr)
(Source: BIS; CMMP)

Chart 2: Market share

China’s share of total private sector, corporate (NFC) and household (HH) debt (% total)
(Source: BIS; CMMP)

Chart 3: Eclipsing the rest of EM

Breakdown of global private sector by region (% total)
(Source: BIS; CMMP)

Chart 4: Shifting debt dynamics

Trends in relative growth factors – 3Y CAGR in PSC versus 3Y CAGR in GDP
(Source: BIS; CMMP)

Chart 5: Rising affordability risks

Selected debt service ratios – deviation from 10Y average (ppt) plotted against 2Q22 level (%) (Source: BIS; CMMP)

Chart 6: Re-intermediation…

Bank credit as %age of total private sector credit
(Source: BIS; CMMP)

Chart 7: How exposed is the banking sector?

Comparison of PS and bank sector debt ratios – Spain versus China
(Source: BIS; CMMP)

Please note that the summary comments and charts above are abstracts from more detailed analysis that is available separately.

“Update required – Part IVa”

How exposed are banking sectors to elevated private sector credit risks?

The key chart

Trends in selected bank credit ratios (% GDP)
(Source: BIS; CMMP)

The key message

How exposed are banking sectors to elevated private sector debt risks in Sweden, France, Korea, China and Canada?

Recall that these five economies have private sector debt ratios that exceed the “peak-bubble” level seen in Japan in 4Q94 and debt service ratios that are not only high in absolute terms but are also elevated in relation to their respective 10-year, average affordability levels. Twin warning signs.

The banking sectors in China and Korea have the highest exposures to elevated private sector debt risks among this sample (see key chart above):

  • China: bank credit accounts for 84% of total private sector credit and the bank credit ratio of 184% GDP exceeds the peak-Spanish bank credit ratio of 168% GDP;
  • Korea: bank credit accounts for 73% of total private sector credit. The bank credit ratio of 161% GDP is slightly below the peak-Spain level but well above the peak-Japan level of 112%.
Selected private sector credit ratios (% GDP) broken down by bank and non-bank credit
(Source: BIS; CMMP)

In contrast, risks in Sweden, France and Canada are shared more equally between banks and investors (see chart above). Bank sector credit accounts for 51%, 50% and 49% of total private sector credit in Sweden, Canada and France respectively (reflecting the greater development of alternative sources of credit in advanced economies).

This does not mean that banks are not exposed, however. The bank credit ratio in Sweden is 138% GDP, above the peak-Japan level. In France and Canada these ratios are the same or slightly below the peak-Japan level (112% GDP and 109% GDP respectively).

In short, risks remain real and elevated. In a world, that sees public sector debt as a problem but largely ignores private sector debt, this matters, or at least it should do…

Please note that the comments and charts above are abstracts from more detailed research that is available separately.

“Update required – Part III”

The second 2017 chart in need of a refresh

The key chart

Trends in bank credit to the private non-financial sector in Japan, Spain and China (% GDP) (Source: BIS; CMMP)

The key message

This is the second chart from 2017 that needs updating. It follows directly from the first chart that illustrated how China was following in the footsteps of Japan and Spain in terms of private sector debt dynamics (see “Update required – Part I”).

The purpose of the second chart was to contrast the exposure of Spanish and Chinese banks to private sector indebtedness with the exposure of Japanese banks at the time of the Japanese debt bubble in the 1990s. It illustrated trends in bank credit to the private non-financial sector expressed as a percentage of GDP.

Trends in Japanese PS debt ratio (% GDP) and Bank credit to PS ratio (% GDP)
(Source: BIS; CMMP)

Japanese private sector indebtedness peaked in 4Q94 at 214% GDP. At the time, bank credit was 112% GDP, or 52% of total private sector debt. In other words, banks and investors largely shared Japanese private sector debt risks equally (see chart above).

In contrast, when Spanish private sector indebtedness peaked at 227% in 2Q10, bank credit was 168% GDP, or 74% of total private sector debt (see chart below).

Trends in Spanish and Chinese PS debt ratios (% GDP) and Bank credit to PS ratios (% GDP)
(Source: BIS; CMMP)

When I first published the chart above, Chinese private sector indebtedness was 202% of GDP. Bank credit was 157% GDP, or 77% of total private sector debt (see chart above).

In short, Spanish and Chinese banks were more exposed to excess private sector indebtedness than their Japanese peers had been before them. This reflected not only the relatively high level of indebtedness, but also the relatively important roles played by Spanish and Chinese banks in terms of the supply of credit to the private sector.

This leads to two obvious questions:

  1. What has happened to China’s private sector debt dynamics subsequently and how exposed is the banking sector today?
  2. How exposed are the Swedish, French, Korean and Canadian banking sectors to the elevated private sector indebtedness levels, highlighted in “Update required – Part II”?